Info

      

                         

Detention Statistics
Mourad Ikhlef

March and Rally for Mohamed Harkat

March and Rally Press Release

Who is Mohamed Harkat and why is he in jail?

Urgent Action Required

Justice for Mohamed Harkat flyer 

Mohamed Harkat; ‘Not a Criminal Case’ 

Vigil Press Release

Without Due Process

Mahjoub Bail

Jaballah Hearing

Words from Amnesty International

Dream

Secret Trials in Canada Press Release

                 Next page

 

 

DETENTION STATISTICS

 
CIC produces a weekly "detention snapshot," which shows how many people were in immigration detention on a particular day. They have shared the figures starting from 16 November and the latest we have to date is for 23 January 2003.
 
From these statistics, we can see that on any one day, over the period covered:
 
- an average of 446 people were in immigration detention in Canada.
- of these, an average of 289 people were in provincial jails and the rest (157) were in immigration holding centres.
- 72% of detainees were in Ontario, 20% in Québec, 3% in the Prairies and Territories, 5% in BC/Yukon and less than 1% in the Atlantic.
- despite its immigration detention centre, Ontario specializes in detention in provincial jails, with an average of 236 in jail, compared to 85 in the immigration centre.
- by contrast, in Québec, there is an average of 18 in jails, compared to 69 in the immigration centre.
- the recently opened short-term holding centre in Vancouver is not seeing a lot of business: there has been an average of just 3 people in the centre over the period covered.
- there is not enormous variation in the numbers detained over the period covered: the lowest was on 5 September (381 people detained) and the highest was 11 April (496 people detained).
- there were on average 11 minors in detention, most of them accompanied, but on any day there were one or two unaccompanied minors in detention.
- the highest number of minors in detention was found on 11 April (23 minors) and the lowest on 17 January (3 minors).
- of those detained, an average of 5 were detained for security reasons.The numbers of security cases declined more or less steadily over the period covered (starting with 11 on 16 November and down to 3 on 25 July).
- the security cases are divided between those detained before September 11 and those detained after. According to these statistics, of pre-September cases, there are 3 people detained on security certificates in Ontario. Of post-September 11 cases, the statistics show one person on a security certificate in Québec (since 10 January) and a handful identified as security related, but not on a certificate, and apparently mostly not staying long in detention, in Québec, Ontario and Prairies/Territories.

CIC warns us that that these statistics are manually tabulated and may contain inaccuracies.

4 February 2003

Top of page

 

   
Canadian Press

Tues. Mar. 4/03

MONTREAL - The family of accused terrorist collaborator Mourad Ikhlef said Monday they fear for his life after he went missing following his deportation to Algeria.

 

Ikhlef, who was flown to Algiers from Montreal on Friday, had claimed he might be killed if he were sent back to his North African homeland. An official with the federal Immigration Department, speaking on condition of anonymity, confirmed Ikhlef's deportation on Monday, adding the department didn't know his whereabouts.

 

"I don't know what the situation is," said the official.

 

"I'm not even going to speculate why he hasn't shown."

 

Ikhlef's brother, Nabil, said Algerian authorities deny having ever received his brother, adding that the family fears the worst.

 

"We don't know if they are torturing him or what," Nabil Ikhlef said in an interview from Vancouver.

 

"(Our family) called the police and they say they don't have him."

 

Mourad Ikhlef, 35, has said he faces a death sentence in Algeria because of his alleged ties to the Armed Islamic Group. The group has been linked to murders and bombings in a campaign to overthrow the Algerian government and establish an Islamic state.

 

Mourad Ikhlef has denied any ties to the group.

 

But a Federal Court judge ruled last March there was reasonable evidence to link Ikhlef to the organization. The government also says Ikhlef was close to convicted terrorist Ahmed Ressam, who was arrested at the U.S. border with a trunkload of explosives in 1999.

 

The Immigration and Refugee Board ordered Ikhlef's deportation last May.

 

Mourad Ikhlef, who arrived in Canada in 1993 and obtained refugee status, has refuted Canada's claims he advised Ressam on how to handle explosives and use disguises during a foiled plot to blow up Los Angeles airport during millennium celebrations.

 

He has always maintained he and Ressam were simply neighbours in Montreal.

 

Nabil Ikhlef said Monday that Canadian officials assured his family Mourad would not be harmed upon his return to Algeria.

 

The Immigration Department source reiterated the promise.

 

"They have no reason to be worried," said the source, who would not elaborate.

 

"We don't just arbitrarily deport people without cause and reason after having given the individual the full benefit of the law."

 

Ikhlef was unable to defend himself against key elements of the Canadian government's case, which have been kept secret. The government claims that revealing the evidence would compromise sources and evidence-gathering methods.

 

Ikhlef was in jail throughout his various appeals to stay in the country.

 

His wife, Houda Omary, said in an interview she only found out her husband had been deported when she arrived at a Montreal detention centre on Saturday and was told he was gone.

 

Omary, a Montreal university student, added Foreign Affairs officials said they couldn't help her because her husband is not a Canadian citizen.

 

"They told me he would be in good hands over there," said Omary, 28, who has two young children with Ikhlef.

 

"The ministers (from Canada and Algeria) had agreed that he wouldn't be badly treated, and that his parents would be notified as soon as he arrived.

 

"None of that happened."

 

The federal government has been under fire from Canada's Algerian community since last spring, when it lifted a moratorium on deportations to Algeria.

 

Algerian-born Canadians, most of whom live in Montreal, staged a sit-in last October at Immigration Minister Denis Coderre's Montreal office, demanding the moratorium be reinstated.

 

They pointed to the conflict between Algerian security forces and Islamic militants that has claimed more than 100,000 lives since 1992.

 

But Ottawa says security has improved in Algeria. Prime Minister Jean Chretien visited the country last spring and has promoted it as a good place to do business.

 

Omary said she last spoke with Ikhlef on Thursday, adding that their son, Abdel Hakim, 5, and daughter Hassa, 3, don't understand why their father is gone.

 

"I told them he went to Algeria," she said.

"They think he has abandoned them."

 

 

Canadian Judge Hears Defense For Algerian

 

MONTREAL, Feb. 1 (IslamOnline & News Agencies) - A federal judge began on Wednesday a three-day hearing on the case of Mourad Ikhlef, an Algerian considered by Canadian authorities to be an accomplice of Ahmed Ressam, who was convicted in April of plotting a millennium attack on the United States, news agencies reported.

Last year, the Canadian Security and Intelligence Service (CSIS) issued a security certificate against Ikhlef, saying he was a national security threat because of his ties to Ressam and should therefore be deported. Ikhlef, 33, was arrested on December 12 in Montreal, where he had lived since 1993.

On Wednesday, Federal Court Judge Pierre Blais heard testimony for Ikhlef's defense.

"What the judge will determine is whether the security certificate is reasonable or not," said Danielle Sarazin, a spokeswoman for Canada's immigration department.

She noted that the judge's verdict could not be appealed either way. "If it is determined to be reasonable, we will take the judge's decision and take that individual to an inquiry at the Immigration and Refugee Board - and essentially, as a matter of course, they issue a removal order."

CSIS believes that Ikhlef belongs to a Montreal cell of the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) in Algeria and that he helped Ressam devise the bombing plot by showing him how to use explosives and disguise them, AFP reported.

Ressam was convicted in April 2001 of conspiring to commit an act of international terrorism following his December 1999 arrest near the U.S.-Canadian border with a car full of explosives allegedly destined to blow up the Los Angeles airport. He is due to be sentenced on March 29.

Claude Archambault, Ikhlef's lawyer, asserts that there is a death threat on his head should he be deported to Algeria, continuing on to say that he is also in danger of being tortured to death by Algerian police.

"He could be interrogated by Algerian secret police. And I'm told that in many cases, people who have been interrogated don't leave in the best of health," news agencies reported.

Last week, another Algerian detained in Canada, Samir Ait Mohamed, appeared in a British Columbia court after the United States formally requested his extradition for conspiring to commit terrorist acts with Ressam.

From Islam Online News

(http://www.islamonline.net/english/News/2002-02/01/article28.shtml)

 

Powerful antiterror tool rarely employed by Ottawa

 

By COLIN FREEZE

 

Wednesday, October 30, 2002 - Page A9

Globe and Mail

 

It is a controversial, powerful law, but it is rarely used: Two federal cabinet ministers sign a certificate that declares an immigrant a terrorist, a spy or a general security threat to Canada, allowing deportation.

But even as millions of people have come to Canada during the past decade and security fears have mounted since last year, the law has been used only 23 times, according to Immigration Canada documents released to The Globe and Mail under access-to-information laws.

Many tools can be used keep potentially dangerous migrants out of Canada, but the security certificate is the most powerful. Most of the 23 people deemed security threats have been returned to their countries of origin such as Iran, Lebanon, Algeria and Russia.

Four Middle Eastern refugee claimants allegedly linked to Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network or related groups have not exhausted legal challenges to the certificates of deportation.

They include two Egyptians -- Mohammed Zeki Mahjoub, who ran a Sudanese farm for Mr. bin Laden, and Mahmoud Jaballah, whose alleged terrorist links in Egypt could mean the death penalty if he is sent back.

The two others are Hassan Almrei, a Syrian under suspicion of dealing with a man jailed for alleged links to a honey business, and Mourad Ikhlef, an Algerian alleged to have a helped an Afghanistan-trained terrorist build a bomb intended to blow up the Los Angeles Airport.

Despite the increased number of investigations focusing on violent Islamic extremist groups in Canada during the past year, the number of security certificates has not increased.

Although much evidence of such groups has been found, many suspects have disappeared.

Others have faced extradition proceedings to stand trial in other countries, while hundreds of immigrants and refugee claimants are under increased scrutiny.

"Security certificates are only one way to protect people" in Canada, Immigration Canada spokeswoman Danielle Sarazin said.

Of the 23 people deemed security threats by Ottawa, most have been linked to radical Islamic groups.

Among the successful deportations, two were former Soviet KGB spies returned to Russia.

In addition, two certificates were issued for alleged Tamil Tigers.

One was deported. The other, who could face torture, has been given another chance to make his case for immigrant status.

"The surprising thing here for me is that we don't see the kind of mix that we saw in the Sept. 11 attacks," said Wesley Wark, an intelligence specialist at the University of Toronto, when shown a copy of the list.

He said the list features "the usual suspects" of terrorist groups, but that it is devoid of men from Saudi Arabia or the Persian Gulf states, where al-Qaeda recently staged attacks and recruited members.

Usually, Federal Court judges back the security certificates, after the initial homework is completed by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, and the Solicitor-General and Immigration Minister agree the certificates be used.

But in 1991, when the law was new, a judge found that an Iraqi husband and wife were not the security threats the government had alleged. They stayed.

Rocco Galati, a lawyer defending the two Egyptians on the list, said it is too easy for Ottawa to employ the certificates.

"The test is so low.

Are there reasonable grounds to believe a person might have been associated directly or indirectly with [terrorist groups]?" he asked.

He complained that Ottawa has a pattern of keeping only a couple of cases alive at any time.

"Do you think life is that systematic?" Mr. Galati asked.

Top of page

   

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

CONTACTS:

 

Sophie Harkat (for interviews in French and English leading up to, during and following the march)

 

Tel: (613) 290-9144 (cell) or (613) 822-4445

 

Brenda Inouye, Direct Action Casework Ottawa (DACO)

 

Tel: (613) 237-1717 or (613) 231-4567

 

 

March and Rally for Mohamed Harkat

 

 

Ottawa - February 26, 2003 - On Sunday March 2nd at 2:00 pm, starting at the Human Rights Monument at Elgin and Lisgar in Ottawa, there will be a march and rally in support of Mohamed Harkat, who is currently in jail and faces deportation to Algeria where he could be killed. Mr. Harkat has been in Canada since 1995, and was given refugee status in 1997 after making the claim that he faced persecution from the Algerian government if he were to return. On December 10th, 2002 Mr. Harkat was arrested outside his home in Ottawa by undercover police. Since then he has been in jail without any charges under the allegation that he is linked to Islamic terrorist groups and activities.

 

 

Mr. Harkat denies any involvement with any terrorist organizations. Mr. Harkat's wife Sophie and his lawyer Bruce Engel believe Mr. Harkat is innocent. Mr. Engel has seen no evidence to support the allegation. Sophie Harkat says, "Mohamed is being mistreated because of all these allegations, and the treatment he has been receiving is unfair and horrible." Mr. Harkat is being held without any charges under a 'Security Certificate' authorized by Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Denis Coderre and Solicitor General Wayne Easter.

 

 

Sophie Harkat and local group Direct Action Casework Ottawa (DACO) are organizing the march and rally, as well as a larger campaign in support of Mohamed Harkat. The campaign calls for justice for Mr. Harkat and an end to the Security Certificate. Specifically, Mrs. Harkat and DACO demand that Mohamed Harkat:

 

 

1) Be released immediately

2) Not be deported

3) Be allowed due process: the right to a fair trial, the right to know what he is charged with, the right to hear evidence against him and the right to defend himself in court

 

They also demand:

 

4) That the secretive and unjust Security Certificate mechanism be abolished immediately

 

5) An immediate end to all deportations to Algeria and a return to the moratorium on removals to Algeria

 

 

According to one DACO member, "Mr. Harkat is being denied his rights as a human being under a racist attack against Arabic communities by the Canadian government."

 

More information will follow on a press conference and rally prior to Mr. Harkat's Pre-trial on Tuesday March 4th, as well as his Trial April 28, 29, May 1, 2, 2003. Mr. Harkat's pre-trial will be in Courtroom #2 at 9:30 am at the Palais de justice, 17 rue Laurier, Gatineau, Quebec.

Top of page

 

JUSTICE FOR MOHAMED HARKAT!

NO ONE IS ILLEGAL!

 

A March and Rally to Demand Justice for Mohamed Harkat

and an end to the Security Certificate

 

=====================

2:00pm

Sunday, March 2nd, 2003

Human Rights Monument

(Elgin and Lisgar)

=====================

Mr. Harkat is being held in jail WITHOUT CHARGES, but

under the allegation that he is linked to Islamic

terrorist groups and activities. accusations which the

government has not supported with evidence. Now he

faces removal to Algeria where he could be killed.

 

Mohamed Harkat's trial is very important, because it

sets a dangerous precedent. by a government intent on

proving to the United States that it's doing something

about terrorism.

 

Today the government is denying Mr. Harkat's human

rights and his right to a fair trial.

Who will be next?

 

We Demand That Mohamed Harkat:

1) be released immediately

2) not be deported

3) be allowed due process - the right to a fair trail,

the right to know what he is charged with, the right to

hear evidence against him and the right to defend

himself in court

 

We also demand:

4) that the secretive and unjust Security Certificate

mechanism be abolished

5) an immediate end to all deportations to Algeria and

a return to the moratorium

 

contact info:

Direct Action Casework Ottawa

Ph: (613) 786 1015

email: daco@ziplip.com

 

 

 

LA JUSTICE POUR MOHAMED!

PERSONNE N'EST ILLEGAL!

 

"Venez marchez pour la justice. Aidez a sauvez une

vie...aidez a sauver Mohamed Harkat!"

 

=======================

14:00h

le dimanche 2 mars, 2003

le Monument des Droits Humains

(Elgin et Lisgar)

=======================

 

Mohamed Harkat est détenu en prison depuis le 10

décembre 2002, SANS AUCUNES CHARGES.

Seules des allégations le liant à des groupes et des

activités terroristes islamiques sont portées contre

lui. Aucunes de ces allégations n'a été supportées avec

preuve par le gouvernement canadien. Mohamed fait

face à la déportation en Algérie ou il sera confronté à

la mort.

Le procès de Mohamed est un précédent dans ce

domaine. Le gouvernement canadien tente de rassurer les

États-Unis et cherche à démontrer qu'il fait un effort

afin d'enrayer le terrorisme.

 

Le gouvernement brime les droits humains de Monsieur

Harkat, lui refuse le droit à un procès juste.

 

Qui sera la prochaine victime?

 

S'il vous plait, venez à la marche du 2 mars et

demandez :

1) qu'il soit immédiatement relâché;

2) qu'il ne soit pas déporté;

3) qu'il ait le droit d'entendre les charges

incriminantes posées contre lui;

4) qu'il ait également le droit de se défendre

équitablement devant un tribunal; et

5) que le mécanisme secret, le certificat de sécurité

soit aboli...

 

Pour information:

le groupe action direct d'Ottawa (DACO)

Ph: (613) 786 1015

email: daco@ziplip.com

Top of page

   

JUSTICE FOR MOHAMED HARKAT AND AN END TO THE SECURITY CERTIFICATE

Who is Mohamed Harkat and why is he in jail?

Mohamed Harkat has been in Canada since 1995. In 1997, he was given refugee status after claiming that he faced persecution from the Algerian government if he were to return. Now he faces removal to Algeria where he could be killed. On December 10th 2002, Mr. Harkat was arrested by undercover police outside his home in Ottawa. Since then, he has been in jail WITHOUT ANY CHARGES under a 'Security Certificate' authorized by Minister of

Citizenship and Immigration Denis Coderre and Solicitor General Wayne Easter. Mr. Harkat is being held under the allegation that he is linked to Islamic terrorist groups and activities. Mr. Harkat denies any involvement with any terrorist organizations. Both Mr. Harkat's

wife Sophie and lawyer Bruce Engel believe Mr. Harkat is innocent. Mr. Engel has seen no evidence to support the allegation. Sophie Harkat says, "Mohamed is being mistreated because of all these allegations, and the treatment he has been receiving is unfair and

horrible."

Mr. Harkat is being denied his rights as a human being under a racist attack against Arabic communities by the Canadian government.

What is a Security Certificate?

A security certificate is an anti-democratic and secretive device used to remove people from Canada. It strips vulnerable people of the right to due process and standard legal rights. A security certificate must be authorized by the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration and the Solicitor General. CSIS (Canadian Security and Intelligence Service), Canada's secret police agency, helped create the security certificate in 1990. CSIS puts together information to label people as possible threats and then the information is used to sign a security certificate.

The security certificate can be used against foreign nationals as well as permanent

residents. When it is being used against foreign nationals, or people trying to

immigrate to Canada, they are automatically detained. The hearing that takes place to

determine whether a person poses a threat to the country takes place without the person

charged being present. They are denied information on why they were arrested and

what their charges are. Even their lawyer is not allowed to know, denying access to fair

representation. Mohamed Harkat is in this unjust situation and FACES DEPORTATION

AND POSSIBLE DEATH. For what? He is not allowed to know!

We demand that Mohamed Harkat:

1) Be released immediately

2) Not be deported

3) Be allowed due process: the right to a fair trial, the right to know what he is charged with, the right to hear evidence against him and the right to defend himself in court.

We also demand:

4) That the secretive and unjust Security Certificate mechanism be abolished immediately

5) An immediate end to all deportations to Algeria and a return to the moratorium on removals to Algeria

For more information please contact: Direct Action Casework Ottawa (DACO) at

(613) 786-1015, daco@ziplip.com, or contact Mr. Harkat’s lawyer Bruce Engel at (613) 235-6324.

Situation in Algeria

Violent civil conflict in Algeria has been a reality since the early 1990s when Islamic political groups were gaining popular support in the country and the military backed Algerian government reacted by trying to overthrow the Islamic movement. Specifically, when the political party known as the Islamic Salvation Front, or FIS, w-on a multiparty free election in 1992, the Algerian government cancelled the results and began rounding up FIS members

and supporters. Since then, political struggles between certain Islamic groups and the Algerian military have led to massacres across the North African country. More than

150,000 lives have been lost and thousands of people have disappeared. This extremely violent situation is ongoing.

Algerians in Canada

Many Algerians have fled Algeria. Since 1997, all Algerians living in Canada were protected from deportation by a moratorium on expulsions. In April 2001, however, Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, Denis Coderre lifted the moratorium, claiming that it was safe for people to return to Algeria. Now more than 1,000 Algerians living in Canada face deportation. The moratorium was removed as an economic strategy to encourage investments in Algeria. In fact, the moratorium was lifted at the same time that Jean Chretien was in Algiers (the capital of Algeria) promoting economic ties between Canada and Algeria

in the lead-up to the G8 Summit at Kananaskis. Meanwhile the Department of Foreign Affairs has issued a travel advisory warning Canadians not to travel to Algeria, due to ongoing civil conflict there. That travel advisory is still in effect.

Who is Responsible?

CSIS: an organization empowered by the state to violate the rights of individuals. The signatories: Denis Coderre, Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Canada, and Wayne

Easter, Solicitor General.

Write, Call, Fax, and/or Email

Write, call, fax and/or email those who are responsible and let them know that you want a full, open, public hearing for Mohamed Harkat. Let them know that we are following the

case and demand that the secret trials of the security certificate be abolished.

Denis Coderre

Minister, Citizenship and

Immigration Canada

House of Commons

Ottawa, ON K1A 0A6

Phone: 613-995-6108

Fax: 613-995-9755

Email: Coderd@parl.gc.ca and

Minister@cic.gc.ca

Wayne Easter

Solicitor General

House of Commons

318 Justice Building

Ottawa, ON K1A 0A6

Phone: 613-992-2406

Fax: 613-995-7408

Email: eastew@parl.gc.ca

CSIS Canadian Security

Intelligence Service

P.O. Box 9732 Postal Station T

Ottawa, Ontario K1G 4G4

Phone: (613) 998-1679

Toll Free: 1-800-267-7685 (Toll free service is only available in Ontario)

MARCH and RALLY

Sunday March 2, 2003. 2pm. Meet at the Human Rights Monument at Elgin and Lisgar in Ottawa.

PRETRIAL and TRAIL:

SHOW SUPPORT BY ATTENDING!

Pretrial: Tuesday March 4, 2003.

Trial: Apr. 28, 29, May 1, 2.

Be on the alert for gathering point locations.

PLEASE DONATE

There are considerable legal fees required in support of Mohamed's case. If you would like to donate, please contact Soha at 236-9188 or deposit funds into CIBC-St. Laurent account # 00496/82-08735 under Sophie Lamarche Harkat.

For more information please contact: Direct Action Casework Ottawa (DACO) at

(613) 786-1015, daco@ziplip.com, or contact Mr. Harkat’s lawyer Bruce Engel at (613) 235-6324.

Top of page

 

   

URGENT ACTION REQUIRED: NEW "SECURITY CERTIFICATE" SIGNED: OTTAWA MAN IN DETENTION, HELD WITHOUT CHARGE, NOT ALLOWED TO SEE "EVIDENCE" AGAINST HIM AS FEDERAL GOVERNMENT MARKS INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS DAY

 

Mohamed Harkat, accepted in Canada as a refugee in 1997, faces danger to his life if deported to Algeria. Like others before him, Mr. Harkat and his lawyer face a stacked court, not allowed to know the case against him for "security reasons." Please write to the two ministers who signed the certificate, Solicitor General Wayne Easter, and Immigration Minister Denis Coderre, and demand that a full, open, public hearing of all the facts be allowed. Let them know we are following this case and demand that the secret trials of the security certificate process be stopped. It appears that this arrest could be motivated in part by a desire of the Canadian government to prove to the Bush administration that it is "serious" about security issues. For those who sometimes feel (not without justification!) that letters to the government are thrown into the waste basket, remember that CSIS and the security apparatus in Ottawa are very paranoid about any type of oversight, whether governmental or from the public. The act of writing these letters, demanding an end to an unjust process and for full disclosure of whatever facts may or may not exist in the Harkat case, makes the spooks quite jittery and can only have a positive effect. More background follows the addresses below: MINISTERS AND ADDRESSES Wayne Easter, Solicitor General House of Commons 318 Justice Building Ottawa K1A 0A6 (613) 992-2406 Fax: (613) 995-7408 Email: eastew@parl.gc.ca Denis Coderre, Immigration Minister House of Commons Ottawa, ON K1A 0A6 (613) 995-6108 Fax: (613) 995-9755 coderre.D@parl.gc.ca Minister@cic.gc.ca Background: Mohamed Harkat, aged 34, is an Algerian refugee who has lived in Canada since 1997, when he was accepted as a convention refugee, having fled persecution in his native Algeria. Amnesty International's 2002 report on Algeria notes "No independent investigations [have been] carried out into the thousands of killings, massacres, 'disappearances', abductions and reports of torture since 1992. Torture continued to be widespread." Mr. Harkat was arrested as police with guns drawn swarmed over him while he was checking his mail last Tuesday, December 10. The irony here, among others, is that Dec. 10 is International Human Rights Day. According to the Ottawa Citizen, "He has no idea why he's been arrested in that manner," says Bruce Engel, the Ottawa defence lawyer who had been helping Mr. Harkat try to obtain permanent-resident status in Canada after months of delays. "He's very, very eager to learn why, and what accusation the government has against him and why they claim he's a terrorist. He knows nothing about it. I know nothing about it. He has no idea how this error could have been made." Mr. Engel said Mr. Harkat first approached him more than a year ago after his bid for permanent residency in Canada was repeatedly delayed. "We made inquiries just to find out what was going on, and we really weren't getting anywhere. Letters back and forth. They said there was security clearance they were waiting for, and verification of certain aspects of his file, et cetera, et cetera. One month turns into three months, three months turns into nine months, nine months turns into over a year. No response to recent letters that I've sent. Then he gets arrested two days ago. I am as surprised as anyone." Mr Harkat held down three part-time, minimum wage jobs in Ottawa, often working upwards of 20 hours per day at two gas bars and a pizza delivery place. As one friend asks in an Ottawa Citizen article, how would Mr. Harkat have time to be a security threat given the fact that he literally struggled round the clock to pay the bills. Sophie Lamarche, who plans to mark her second anniversary of marriage to Mr. Harkat January 2, told the Ottawa Citizen, "I think it's inhuman to go through this whole process," she said. "I'm almost ashamed to be a Canadian right now." Mrs. Harkat said her resolve to see her husband cleared of all accusations was strengthened after she visited him at the Regional Detention Centre on Innes Road. She said it hurt to see the man she loved "tied up" and behind glass. "I'm like a widow," she said. "One day I have a husband and the next day I don't." WHAT IS A SECURITY CERTIFICATE, AND WHO IS CSIS? Imagine that you have been arrested, held without charge, told you are a threat to Canada's national security, and neither you nor your lawyer is allowed to know why. You face deportation back to your country of birth, where you face possible arrest, detention, torture and execution. This is done in the name of defending "democracy." Imagine as well that the spy agency which puts together the document labelling you a threat is a scandal-ridden group that has, according to a recent expose on CSIS (Covert Entry by Andrew Mitrovica), "routinely broken the law, treating the rights and liberties of Canadians as no more than a nuisance...[it is] riddled by waste, extravagance, laziness, nepotism, incompetence, corruption and law-breaking." There is a culture of impunity at CSIS, whose agents often refer to a Ways and Means Act: "if you have a way to get things done, the means -- legal or not -- are justified." CSIS, RACIAL PROFILING, AND THE DEATH OF DEMOCRACY When all civilian flights were rerouted to Canada on September 11, 2001, hundreds of individuals of Middle Eastern and Arabic heritage were seized from those planes and forced into Canadian jails. After spending sometimes weeks behind bars, most were released, but we still have not been told who was jailed, why they were jailed, how many were swept away, and how many are still there. That such an act of mass disappearing can take place in a "democracy" is frightening. That we are not told details of this round-up shows the extent to which a democratic system is not working. The "Security Certificate" But such abuses of democratic process, especially when they relate to people who do not enjoy the privileges of white skin, are logical outcomes of a system which engages in the medieval-style "security certificate" process, begun in 1990 with the help of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, or CSIS. (CSIS is a Canadian secret police agency, what one journalist calls a Canadian combination of CIA and FBI. It was founded in 1984 after the disbanding of the RCMP Security Service, an organization riddled with massive corruption, criminal scandals, and a long record of civil rights violations. Billed as a "civilian" spy agency, CSIS essentially recruited many of the members of the discredited RCMP Security Service.) On the word of CSIS, individuals can be declared a security threat, arrested and held without bail, denied an opportunity to see evidence against them (or to have their lawyers see that evidence), and deported to a country where they could face prison, torture and execution. There is no judicial check against the formidable power the "security" agencies have in such situations, making the courts an investigative tool of CSIS without any judicial balancing to protect the rights of the individual in question. CSIS: Incompetence, Bias and Abuse The flimsy nature of the information that grounds the security certificate is reflected in criticisms of CSIS made by its oversight committee, the Security Intelligence Review Committee (SIRC), which is traditionally a committee that tries its best not to be too critical of CSIS. Nevertheless: * SIRC's 1999-2000 report raises questions "about some beliefs the Service has about the nature of the threat. We are of the opinion that these beliefs are sometimes overdrawn." * The SIRC report points out one instance, likely illustrative of many more, in which a CSIS application for warrant powers contained "a number of overstatements." * In another case, "information put forward was more than a decade old and the information adduced was derived from one source's 'feelings.' * "One source's speculation was quoted. Some assertions that the target engaged in 'suspicious activities' appeared to us to be misleading or exaggerated." * "For another person targeted, [CSIS] failed to include in the affidavit significant information of which it was aware which contradicts its own position on the person." * In yet another case, a hyperactive CSIS treated as a threat activity that "seemed to be routine diplomatic behaviour," while in another case, "with little corroborating information, CSIS ascribed intelligence gathering motives to apparently normal consular contacts." * SIRC concludes we need the best possible national security advice "unencumbered by unfounded speculation." Finding Someone to Blame CSIS is a Cold War relic which must produce threats to justify its existence. It operates in an alarming vacuum with little or no oversight, yet its often faulty, incompetent, and biased word is used as the basis for the signing of security certificates that can destroy the lives of the victims and their families, and place more nails in the coffin of democracy. Torture and secret detention in Algeria (from Amnesty International's 2002 report) Torture remained widespread. Cases of secret and unacknowledged detention continued to be reported. The government and judicial authorities systematically denied all knowledge of the detainees until after they were brought to court or released. Many of those detained in this manner were subjected to torture or ill-treatment. Dozens of civilians, including children as young as 15, were reported to have been tortured or ill-treated following arrest by members of the security forces in the context of demonstrations during April, May and June in Kabylia. Beatings with fists, batons and rifle butts appear to have been common at the time of arrest and in detention. Some detainees alleged that, while in the custody of the gendarmerie, they were undressed, tied up with wire and threatened with sexual violence; others alleged that they were whipped or slashed with sharp implements. * FayÁal Khoumissi spent some 10 months in secret detention before his family learned that he was being held in El-Harrach Prison in Algiers. He had been arrested in November 2000 in the centre of the district of El-Harrach by four armed men in civilian clothes and travelling in an unmarked car. He was taken to a security force base, where he alleged that he was shot in both legs, given electric shocks to his ears and genitals, beaten with an iron bar on his back and genitals, and forced to swallow large amounts of dirty water through a cloth placed in his mouth. He was then treated in hospital before being presented before the judicial authorities and remanded in custody on charges related to ''terrorism''. His family only found out about his detention when they were contacted in September by a former detainee who had met FayÁal Khoumissi in prison and was subsequently released.

Top of page

   

By Kimiko Inouye

April 24, 2003 -- Mohamed Harkat, an Algerian national with refugee status in Canada, has been in jail since December 10th 2002 without any charges, under allegations that he is connected to Islamic terrorist activities. He is suspected of being an Al Quaeda sleeper cell agent by the Canadian government, and faces possible deportation to Algeria. If the government orders Mr. Harkat’s removal he will likely face death in Algeria.

At Mr. Harkat’s pre-trial on Tuesday March 4th, 2003, his lawyer, Bruce Engel, called on Justice Eleanor Dawson to allow for disclosure of the so-called evidence against his client. He wanted the judge to allow Mr. Harkat due process – the right to a fair trial, the right to know what he is being charged with, the right to hear evidence against him and defend himself in court.

Engel argued that the allegations provided by the government were insufficient for Mr. Harkat’s defense, and that people being treated as criminals in court have the right to meet with their accuser, so why shouldn’t his client be allowed to know the evidence against him. While Engel says that Mr. Harkat’s case is "technically not a criminal charge," he also says, it is "oversimplifying it by saying it’s not a criminal case, he is being accused of what is in effect criminal all within the process of criminal procedures."

James Mathison, one of the lawyers representing the government, said that providing any evidence for Mr. Harkat’s defense would jeopardize national security. He also seemed convinced that Mr. Harkat’s case should not be dealt with as a criminal case, but one of immigration and deportation. According to Engel, "[The government’s] goal is to deport Mohamed."

Various observers at the pre trial found Mathison’s argument contradictory, pointing out that Mr. Harkat is being treated like a criminal. An individual involved with Direct Action Casework Ottawa (DACO), a local group working with Mr. Harkat’s family said, "Mohamed’s been in jail for 3 months without being told exactly why. He had to sit through his pre-trial in handcuffs. He is being treated like a criminal – a criminal without due process." Sohpie Harkat, wife of Mr. Harkat, said, "Mohamed is being treated worse than a criminal."

Mr. Harkat has been in Canada since 1995, and was given refugee status in 1997 after making the claim that he faced persecution from the Algerian government if he were to return. On December 10th, 2002 Mr. Harkat was arrested outside his home in Ottawa by undercover police.

Since then he has been in jail, at the Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre on Innes Road, without any charges under a 'Security Certificate' authorized by Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Denis Coderre and Solicitor General Wayne Easter. A Security Certificate is a secretive and undemocratic mechanism created and used by CSIS (Canadian Security and Intelligence Service) to gather information against individuals who they consider threats to national security.

The Canadian government is no stranger to racially targeting individuals entering the country. Since the Security Certificate was created in 1990, it has been used against more than 20 people, mostly Muslim. It has only been cancelled once successfully. That was in 1991 when a judge rejected the government’s case that two Iraqi citizens should be deported because of their alleged links to a group that was involved in terrorist acts against Saddam Hussein’s government. The judge ruled that there had to be proof of personal involvement in terrorist acts, not only links to a group involved with terrorist activities. A year later the law was changed. Now it is enough to have "reason to believe" that someone is a member of a group believed to be engaged in terrorist activities to justify removal from Canada.

In December 1999, another security certificate was cancelled for Mahmoud Jaballah after the judge said that the certificate against him was "not reasonable." However, Mr. Jaballah was re-arrested on a second certificate in August 2001. A judge is currently deciding whether Mr. Jaballah’s second security certificate should be canceled. Mr. Jaballah has been in jail for more than two years.

CSIS alleges that Mr. Harkat has connections to groups ranging from Al Quaeda and the Osama Bin Laden Network to the Chechen rebels. Sophie Harkat, Mohamed’s wife, is baffled by these allegations since she has seen no signs of her husband’s involvement with these groups in the three years that she has known him. When asked about what she thinks, Mrs. Harkat says, "this is a racist attack against my husband, at the same time, against other Muslims. These are the most ridiculous allegations. He’s never denied anything about his past. He’s not lying about anything. He is not a terrorist." She also argues that if he were really a threat to the country, then why didn’t anyone from the government ever inform her or her family that they might be in danger.

 

Sophie Harkat, her family, community members in Ottawa, Toronto, Peterborough and Guelph are working hard to rally support for Mr. Harkat’s stay in Canada and right to a fair trial. People are also writing letters in support of Mr. Harkat to CSIS, Citizenship and Immigration Canada and the Solicitor General, as well as sending letters to Mohamed himself.

Top of page

   

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

CONTACTS:

Sophie Harkat (available for interviews in French and English at the vigil)

Kimiko Inouye, Direct Action Casework Ottawa (DACO)

Tel: (613) 237-1717 or (613) 231-4567

Vigil to demand justice for Mohamed Harkat and an end to the Security Certificate

Ottawa – April 23, 2003 – On Saturday April 26th at 7:30 pm, at the Human Rights Monument at Elgin and Lisgar in Ottawa, there will be a vigil to demand justice for Mohamed Harkat and an end to the Security Certificate. Speakers will include a representative from Amnesty International Canada and a member of Direct Action Casework Ottawa (DACO). Prayers will be made by members of the religious community. Simultaneous vigils will be occurring in Guelph and Peterborough, Ontario.

Mohamed Harkat is being held in jail WITHOUT CHARGES under the allegation that he is linked to Islamic terrorist groups and activities. These are accusations that the Canadian government has not supported with evidence. Now he faces removal to Algeria where he could be killed.

Mohamed Harkat’s trial is very important because it sets a dangerous precedent by the Canadian government, which is intent on proving to the United States that it is doing something about terrorism and the country’s so-called ‘national security.’ The Canadian government is wholly responsible for denying Mr. Harkat’s human rights and his right to a fair trial.

Mr. Harkat has been in Canada since 1995, and was given refugee status in 1997 after making the claim that he faced persecution from the Algerian government if he were to return. On December 10th, 2002 Mr. Harkat was arrested outside his home in Ottawa by undercover police. Since then he has been in jail without any charges under the allegation that he is linked to Islamic terrorist groups and activities.

Mr. Harkat denies any involvement with any terrorist organizations. Mr. Harkat’s wife Sophie and his lawyer Bruce Engel believe Mr. Harkat is innocent. Mr. Engel has seen no evidence to support the allegation. Sophie Harkat says, "Mohamed is being mistreated because of all these allegations, and the treatment he has been receiving is unfair and horrible." Mr. Harkat is being held without any charges under a ‘Security Certificate’ authorized by Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Denis Coderre and Solicitor General Wayne Easter.

Sophie Harkat and local group Direct Action Casework Ottawa (DACO) are organizing the vigil, as well as a larger campaign in support of Mohamed Harkat. The campaign calls for justice for Mr. Harkat and an end to the Security Certificate. Specifically, Mrs. Harkat and DACO demand that Mohamed Harkat:

  1. Be released immediately
  2. Not be deported
  3. Be allowed due process: the right to a fair trial, the right to know what he is charged with, the right to hear evidence against him and the right to defend himself in court
  4. They also demand:

  5. That the secretive and unjust Security Certificate mechanism be abolished immediately
  6. An immediate end to all deportations to Algeria and a return to the moratorium on removals to Algeria

Information to follow on the location and dates of Mr. Harkat’s trial.

 

Pour publication immédiate Communiqué

Pour information:

Sophie Harkat (interview en français pendant la vigile)

Kimiko Inouye, Groupe d'action directe d'Ottawa (Direct Action Casework Ottawa -DACO), Tél: (613) 237-1717 ou (613) 231-4567

Une veille pour demander justice pour Mohamed Harkat et l’abolition du certificat de sécurité

Ottawa - 23 avril, 2003 - Le samedi 26 avril à 19h30 au Monument des droits humains (intersection Lisgar et Elgin) aura lieu une veille pour demander justice pour Mohamed Harkat et l’abolition du certificat de sécurité. Parmi les orateurs figurent un représentant d’Amnistie internationale du Canada et un membre du Groupe d’action directe d’Ottawa. Des membres de la communauté oecuménique diront des prières. Des veilles analogues auront lieu en même temps à Guelph et Peterborough.

Monsieur Harkat est détenu en prison SANS AUCUNE CHARGE. Seules des allégations le liant à des groups et des activités terroristes islamiques sont portées contre lui. Aucune de ces allégations n’est appuyée de preuves par le gouvernement canadien. M. Harkat fait face à la déportation en Algérie où il risque la mort.

Le procès de Mohamed Harkat est très important car il établit un précédent dans ce domaine de la justice. Le gouvernement canadien tente de rassurer les Etats-Unis et cherche à démontrer qu’il fait un effort afin d’enrayer le terrorisme et assurer la «sécurité nationale» du pays. Le gouvernement canadien est responsable de cette négation des droits humains de monsieur Harkat et de son droit à un procès juste.

Mohamed Harkat est au Canada depuis 1995. En 1997, il a reçu le statut de réfugié après avoir déclaré qu’il ferait face à la persécution du gouvernement de l'Algérie s'il devait y retourner. Le 10 décembre 2002, M. Harkat a été arrêté devant son domicile à Ottawa par des policiers en civil. Depuis, sans qu'aucune accusation n'ait été portée contre lui, il est en prison en vertu d'un certificat de sécurité sous des allégations de lien avec des organisations terroristes islamiques.

M. Harkat rejette toute implication avec quelque groupe ou activité terroriste que ce soit. Son épouse, Sophie Harkat, et son avocat, Bruce Engel, disent que M. Harkat est innocent. Me Engel n'a pas encore vu de preuves pouvant justifier les allégations. Sophie Harkat dit: «Mohamed est maltraité à cause d'allégations, il est traité injustement et de façon horrible.» Monsieur Harkat est détenu sans accusations aux termes d'un «certificat de sécurité» émis sous l'autorité du ministre de la Citoyenneté et de l'Immigration du Canada, Denis Coderre, et du Solliciteur général du Canada, Wayne Easter.

Sophie Harkat et le Groupe d'action directe d'Ottawa (Direct Action Casework Ottawa -DACO) appelle à une manifestation silencieuse ainsi qu'à une large campagne de soutien à Mohamed Harkat. Par cette campagne nous demandons justice pour Monsieur Harkat et l'abolition du certificat de sécurité. Plus particulièrement Madame Harkat et le DACO exigent:

la libération immédiate de Mohamed Harkat
  1. qu'il ne soit pas expulsé
  2. l'application régulière de la loi: le droit à un procès juste, le droit de connaître l’accusation qui pèse sur lui, le droit d'entendre les preuves incriminantes et le droit de se défendre devant un tribunal,
  3. l'abolition immédiate du mécanisme secret et injuste du certificat de sécurité,
  4. que cessent immédiatement les expulsions vers l'Algérie et que soit remis en place le moratoire

Les informations sur le lieu et la date du procès de Monsieur Harkat suivront.

Top of page

 

 

WITHOUT DUE PROCESS  
HOW CANADIAN SECURITY CERTIFICATES MAKE A MOCKERY OF JUSTICE
STUART TREW

 

MOHAMED HARKAT GOES TO TRIAL NEXT WEEK ON ALLEGATIONS, HE DENIES, THAT HE IS INVOLVED WITH TERRORISM
Mohamed Harkat was taking the garbage out when he was swarmed by police, guns drawn, and taken into custody on December 10, 2002. No charges were laid but he's been in solitary confinement in an Ottawa jail ever since.

Harkat's trial begins in Montreal on Monday, April 28. He is not accused of any crime, but must prove to the Federal Court of Canada that he does not pose a security threat to this country. The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) and Citizenship and Immigration Canada have branded him a member of Osama bin Laden's network - a "sleeper-cell" agent, living an ordinary life until he can be of use to the world's most wanted terrorist - and therefore a danger to Canada.

But rather than trying him on terrorism charges, the government wants to deport Harkat back to Algeria. They can do this by employing a rarely used "security certificate," based on secret CSIS intelligence and then signed by Citizenship and Immigration Minister Denis Coderre and Solicitor General Wayne Easter if they feel the intelligence proves the subject is guilty of "being a member of an organization that there are reasonable grounds to believe engages, has engaged or will engage in [terrorism]," as stated in the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (italics added).

The certificate is deplored by lawyers and civil liberties organizations because it denies its subject, Harkat in this case, the right to see any of the evidence against him. All Harkat or his lawyers are aware of is a summary of the charges provided by the Federal Court, which conclude "Harkat is an Islamic extremist; a supporter of Afghani, Pakistani, and Chechen extremists; was and is a member of the Bin Laden Network; and, that Harkat's role in this terrorist network is exemplified by his actions and intentions." How the Service came to their conclusions is left out because, well, they're pretty sure Harkat knows what they're talking about.

Bruce Engel, Harkat's lawyer, is not impressed: "He's being threatened to be removed from the country unless he can prove that this certificate is unreasonable, and we're to do so without receiving all the information on which the certificate's based.

"It's an unfair procedure because they can technically, summarily remove someone from the country without presenting any information to them and we're left to have to trust the authorities," he said over the phone.

Harkat came to Canada in 1995 using a falsified Saudi passport and was granted refugee status in '97 because, he said, his life was in danger if he remained in Algeria. He told CSIS during one of several interrogations that he was once a member of the Groupe Islamique Armée before they became militant in 1992. He applied for permanent residency in March1997 but heard nothing about his application until his arrest.

Last month, the judge in Harkat's case ruled that releasing the evidence against him would hurt national security, so Engel's been left to scrape around for just about anything to protect his client. Firstly, Engel hopes to prove to the judge that CSIS has screwed up in the past on cases like Harkat's so its word should be treated with skepticism. He also has a hunch that he knows who has either wrongly fingered Harkat or lied to the authorities.

"Our theory is that there are some individuals that may have reported him and he will comment on that," said Engel.

Harkat's situation is almost identical to that of Mahmoud Jaballah, an Egyptian refugee claimant with alleged links to bin Laden. He was accused of "crimes against humanity," had a security certificate slapped on him 22 months ago, and has been in solitary confinement in Toronto ever since. Two weeks ago, the federal Immigration and Refugee Board denied Jaballah's refugee claim. But the federal judge, horrified by the harsh confinement, is mulling over a time limit on deportation.

"It's almost a circumstance that, in this great city of Toronto, we have the equivalent of Guantanamo Bay," said Judge W. Andrew MacKay.

Amnesty International's position on both the Jaballah and Harkat cases is that deporting the men to Egypt and Algeria, respectively, could mean torture. Until 2001, Canada had a policy of not allowing successful refugee claimants from Algeria to be sent back. But in April of that year Coderre said that country is now safe and about 1,000 Algerians living in Canada face deportation.

Prime Minister Jean Chrétien was in Algeria promoting Canadian exports around the same time the moratorium was lifted.

Alex Neve, secretary general of Amnesty Canada, said because of the hostile environment in Algeria, "the immigration route" of dealing with Harkat should be dropped. Instead, "If they do feel there is evidence to support the allegation that he has in some way, shape or form been involved in supporting terrorist activities, then legal proceedings should be launched in Canada."

If Harkat loses his federal case, Engel said he'll tell a deportation hearing about the consequences of being sent back to Algeria. Regardless of the outcome, Engel condemns the entire security certificate process.

"I certainly appreciate the need to protect the citizens of our country, and nobody wants to be endangered by terrorism ... but we have rights and freedoms pursuant to our Charter. We're supposed to be living in a democratic society, and if you're accused of something, you ought to be given a full opportunity to properly respond."

Sophie Harkat is holding a vigil on Saturday, April 26 at 7:30 p.m. at the Human Rights Monument at the corner of Elgin and Lisgar streets in support of her husband.

 

taken from the Ottawa Xpress, 03/04/24

Top of page

 

Welcome to the Occupation:

Machine-Gun Toting RCMP Occupy Toronto Courthouse During Bail Hearing for Muslim Man Who Has Never Been Charged or Convicted of ANY Crime

(Report from Matthew Behrens of Homes not Bombs)

Residents of Toronto up early on Saturday morning might be forgiven for thinking they were either on the set of Arnold Schwarzenegger shoot-’em-up flick or in the middle of a growing police state.

Traffic reports warned drivers of a police motorcade making its way through downtown streets, accompanied by about 15 motorcycles, related police vehicles, and a helicopter flying overhead.

The eventual stopping place for this motorcade was the Courthouse at 361 University Avenue, where two acts of criminalization were taking place: in one courtroom, jurors were deliberating on whether or not three members of the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty should be thrown away for resisting the deadly policies of the Ontario government.

In another, and this was the reason for the sudden display of police force, was a bail hearing for Mohamed Mahjoub, a convention refugee from Egypt who has been in jail since June, 2000, much of it in solitary confinement, on a CSIS security certificate.

Anyone who wishes to attend the bail hearing must have a strong stomach for heavily armed tactical RCMP units--some sixty officers are stationed throughout the building--many dangling submachine guns as they stroll through the halls of injustice. Some are so loaded up with weapons of mass human destruction it’s a wonder they can move and, as we watch some of them go into the men’s room, an even greater wonder that they are able to answer nature’s call.

Backpacks are not allowed, despite the presence of x-ray machines (many thanks to OCAP supporters who watched over a long row of backpacks on the courthouse steps!). Some people are told they are not allowed upstairs unless they are a witness. Muslim men, even one whose beard consists only of five o’clock shadow, are subjected to facial scrutiny.

Those who "pass" this stage are given a special court pass, escorted to an elevator operated by yet another court officer, and then taken in small groups to the seventh floor of the courthouse. Once there, they are escorted down a hallway with heavily armed RCMP stationed here and there, and then through another airport-style security screening system.

Remember, this is all for a man who has never been charged or convicted of anything. People who attend the trials of white guys who have murdered their wives are not subjected to such abuse.

This show of force is completely unnecessary for "security reasons," as Mahjoub is already bound with chains around his waist, leg irons, and handcuffs throughout the hearing. None of this was on display when Mahjoub’s original hearing was held. It has not been in such powerful evidence at similar security certificate hearings at 361 University (though there still has been a significant step-up in security for those hearings).

On the other hand, though, the display of force is completely necessary from a political angle. The judge at the bail hearing, the media, those coming to support, have to be convinced that Mahjoub somehow poses a danger to the public, and what better way than to have scary looking officers, some with their ever-ready hands on the trigger of their submachine guns, do the rounds of the courthouse. The idea that Mahjoub might be released on bail is distasteful to CSIS and the RCMP, so creating an atmosphere of fear is their way of trying to prevent this from happening.

It is part of a propaganda barrage that begins with ridiculous hints in the media that a man responsible for the assassination of Anwar Sadat is in court, and continues as the four corners of the courtroom are jam packed with the biggest display of self-important looking white men and women since Clint Eastwood’s last "protect the president" film. These guys are dressed to the nines, all with wires going into their ears, and serious, "this could be the end of the world" gazes on their faces.

Again, someone chancing upon this whole scene is not exactly sure whether this is real life or a Hollywood film shoot. In the end, it doesn’t matter, for the effect is the same. All that firepower is likely to loosen the bowels of any judge entering the court. It immediately places the question of the day--whether Mr. Mahjoub meets the same requirements set out for anyone else seeking bail--far beyond the mere facts of the case onto another plain.

The RCMP and CSIS are telling this judge: if you release this Muslim man, chained and surrounded by men with machine guns, you will be held responsible if he acts out. Don’t make any wrong moves.

But facts do not matter in such proceedings. Appearances do. And in a society where the evildoer-du-jour is the Muslim male, Mahjoub is not only up against the wholesale shredding of civil rights which, in the case of the security certificate, has been ongoing since 1992. He also must face a deeply ingrained racism repeated daily in Hollywood films, "responsible" newspapers, and the daily, polite round-the-water-cooler racism of Canadian society: sure, they may look nice and peaceful, and the one at the corner store gives my kids free gummy bears, but, ya never know...

The assertion that facts do not matter is not a lefty conspiracy theory. It is the basis of the security certificate. Under that certificate, neither Mr. Mahjoub nor his lawyer, Rocco Galati, was allowed to see the heart of the "evidence" against him. All they are given is a "summary" of allegations and beliefs put together by a CSIS whose agents display an alarming amount of ignorance, bias and, when the occasion is called for, out and out perjury. On the basis of this, Mahjoub could be deported to Egypt, where he is certain to face arrest, torture, and murder.

Even the Security Intelligence Review Committee( SIRC)--a weak-kneed "oversight" committee which generally concludes CSIS is a bunch of hard workin’ boys doin’ their best to protect Canada against evil forces lurking somewhere out there--has raised concerns about their, er, um, truthfulness.

SIRC reports have raised concerns about "some beliefs the Service [CSIS] has about the nature of the threat. We are of the opinion that these beliefs are sometimes overdrawn." SIRC also is concerned that in some instances, CSIS applications for warrant powers contained "a number of overstatements"; that in another case, "information put forward was more than a decade old and the information adduced was derived from one source's 'feelings’; that "One source's speculation was quoted. Some assertions that the target engaged in 'suspicious activities' appeared to us to be misleading or exaggerated."

SIRC continues, "For another person targeted, [CSIS] failed to include in the affidavit significant information of which it was aware which contradicts its own position on the person." In yet another case, a hyperactive CSIS treated activity that "seemed to be routine diplomatic behaviour" as a threat while in another case, "with little corroborating information, CSIS ascribed intelligence gathering motives to apparently normal consular contacts."

Against such a backdrop of past abuses, how is a judge to rely on secret evidence presented by an organization which has no qualms about sending a refugee back to a country to face torture and death based on someone’s "feeling"? If CSIS deliberately hides information which contradicts its own theory, then the presence of a defence lawyer questioning this would be pretty inconvenient. So the secrecy stuff comes in pretty handy when your agenda is not so much security as it is political: create a scare, deport some easily demonized Muslims to justify your growing budget, and keep the Yankees on your sunny side.

On the basis of the spring 2001 secret trial of Mahjoub (secret in the sense that anything deemed injurious to national security--or, more importantly, anything which a good lawyer would be able to show is not fully or even partially proven--would be heard behind closed doors with no opportunity to examine the merits of that "evidence" by the defence), the certificate was upheld by a federal court judge.

In a rambling, illogical, and sloppy decision, Mr. "Justice" Nadon delivered a finding that the security certificate was "reasonable" one month after the attacks of September 11, 2001. His decision relies in part on post 9/11 newspaper articles from such "unbiased" sources as the National Post.

Nadon notes in upholding the certificate that Section 40.1 (security certificate) proceedings require "proof of the existence of ‘reasonable grounds to believe certain facts’ as opposed to the existence of the facts themselves."

So some feelings, some beliefs, some allegations from a very discredited spy agency, delivered behind closed doors without an opportunity of reply, have kept Mahjoub in solitary for 34 months and could be the basis for sending him back to a painful death in Egypt.

The allegation against him is that he may be a member of Al Jihad, which CSIS says "advocates the use of violence as a means of establishing an Islamic state in Egypt." If we’re concerned about such an organization, perhaps by the same measure, we could just as easily indict a member of the Bush administration for its use of violence to establish a U.S.-occupied state in Iraq.

Mahjoub denies that he has ever been a member of AJ and in fact condemns their use of violence. Nadon, relying on the incredibly inaccurate, completely discredited post 9/11 press, uses the fact that Mahjoub worked for a short time on a Sudanese farm owned by Osama bin laden in the early 1990s as additional "evidence," yet at this time, the relatively unknown bin laden was on the CIA payroll. He was America’s good friend.

Mahjoub freely admitted this past employment when he came to Canada as a refugee, and neither CSIS or anyone else tried to prevent his entry at that time. Why CSIS and a federal court judge should make political hay over it years later is evidence, again, of how much guilt-by-alleged-association (even when that association occurred at a time when the person associated with was on "our side") is all one can rely on when the "facts" don’t measure up. (George W. Bush, on the other hand, did not close his association with bin laden until October, 2001, when it was decided that the Bush and bin laden families, for appearances sake, should no longer share in the profits of the Carlyle Group, a largely military industry investment organization in which both had major investments).

All these elements form the backdrop to the bail hearing on Saturday morning, May 10. Members of the community, including respected imam Dr. Ali Hindy, are there to provide the $50,000 surety. Thanks to the efforts of community members linked to Homes not Bombs, $10,000 cash bail was also raised.

The Crown’s case against bail rests on the testimony of Kathleen O’Brien, a hard-nosed, no-nonsense director of security review for Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) who apparently loves her job. In clipped tones, O’Brien explains she has received two assurances from the Egyptian government that if deported to Egypt, Mahjoub will be treated well. She explains that once submissions have been received from Mahjoub, a decisionmaker at CIC will balance the evidence and make a decision to either deport or allow Mahjoub to stay. CIC’s enforcement branch, if given the go-ahead, would charter an aircraft and ensure Mahjoub’s "safe return" to Egypt (an oxymoronic conclusion if ever there were one.)

Rocco Galati, Mahjoub’s lawyer, questions O’Brien, and she is all bureaucrat, quoting this section and that, a 40.1 and a section 77, as she tries to avoid the eyes of the man sitting in the orange jump suit, chains around his body, whose life hangs in the balance. To Mr. Mahjoub, his wife Mona, their two young children, these are life and death decisions, a fact which seems lost on the government bureaucrat who can quote these rules and regulations but whose answers show not a hint of compassion, concern, or care. Her job is moving human chattel from one jail to another. Don’t stress her out with details about human rights violations and the fact that human flesh, when exposed to electrical shock or interminable beatings, is fragile indeed.

But her emotional detachment breaks down under questioning from Galati about Mahjoub’s human rights. Her answers, once confident and assured, are now peppered with phrases like "I don’t think we would," and "I don’t believe so," when Galati asks whether or not Mahjoub would be taken away from Canada before all legal proceedings have been exhausted. Such imprecise answers are cold comfort for Mahjoub, his family and friends in the court.

Galati asks what evidence O’Brien has that Mahjoub has engaged in attempts to subvert the government of Egypt from a base in Canada. She says she is satisfied that such evidence exists from having read the Nadon decision (which presents not a shred of evidence that such an allegation is true). When Galati pushes her on this, the Crown objects and states that "for reasons of national security," O’Brien should not be required to testify "whether such information exists."

Whether such information exists? So it IS possible, then, that none of it does, in fact, exist? Galati asks why submissions regarding deportation of Mahjoub, sent to the department in January, 2002, have yet to receive a response. Well, we hear, things are busy at the department. Busy indeed, but while they are busy, Mahjoub sits in solitary confinement at Metro West Detention Centre an additional 13 months.

Galati attempts to examine the nature of the "assurances" provided by the Egyptian authorities that Mahjoub will not be harmed if returned. They come in the form of two letters, one from the Egypotian ambassador to Canada and the other from a leading Egyptian general. If the wording of the letters sounds familiar, it’s because they are exact duplicates of letters that were used as similar human rights "assurances" in the case of another security certificate victim currently in prison, Mahmoud Jaballah. Those letters were presented in Jaballah’s own hearing on April 11; a name was blacked out on them, apparently that of Mr. Mahjoub. One month later, the letters regarding Mr. Mahjoub also have a blacked out name, apparently that of Mr. Jaballah.

 

"Two for the price of one," Galati states in reference to the fact that the authorities cannot even compose two separate letters for two separate individuals. One letter’s credibility is called into question because Mahjoub’s name is spelled completely wrong. "Has anyone inquired to see if this person referred to in the letter is in fact Mr. Mahjoub or someone else?" Galati asks. "No," comes the reply.

On the basis of such sloppy work someone can be sent to the torture chamber. Galati’s questioning on the flimsy nature of these alleged assurances is cut short by the judge. The use of such "assurances" is an important matter for questioning, as Amnesty International reports that Egyptians sent back from Sweden with far stronger "assurances" were still tortured and murdered.

Galati comes to the crux of the matter. Would you still deport Mahjoub if you had no clear assurance that he would not be tortured or killed? What is most painful is the long silence as O’Brien considers the question, and what would hopefully have been an automatic "No!" is instead a weak, "I don’t believe so."

Galati points out that if Mahjoub had been charged and convicted of association with terrorists under the anti-terrorism law passed in 2001, he would have received a 5-year maximum sentence, with parole in 18 months. Mahjoub, not even convicted of this, has already served almost double that time.

Galati argues that Mahjoub should be released just as Abdellah Ouzghar has been freed on bail. Ouzghar WAS convicted in absentia of a "terrorism-related" offence in France (allegedly providing travel documents) and is facing extradition, but was released on bail in December 2001 by Justice J. Nordheimer, who stated strongly, "I would hope that the vast majority of reasonably informed, right-thinking members of our community would agree that, notwithstanding (the Sept. 11 attacks), every citizen of this country is still entitled to their basic constitutional rights and freedoms," including the right to bail.

The Crown, relying on outdated case law, argues that if the legal motions presented by Mahjoub disappeared, the process would be speeded up. In other words, hand over your rights to what little due process is available under such circumstances, and you wouldn’t have to spend so much time in jail. Galati responds, "You can’t be an arsonist with the constitution," and that the continued detention of Mahjoub constitutes an "indefinite gulag."

Galati argues that Mahjoub meets the criteria for bail--he has roots in the community, reliable people to keep watch over him, has no prior record, and continued indefinite incarceration would constitute a gross abuse of human rights. These are well established facts.

The judge reserves her decision for "a few weeks."

As we leave the courtroom, we wonder what will happen. Galati’s handling of the case is eloquent, solid and makes perfect sense even to those unacquainted with the intricacies of case law. The crown’s case was pretty much non-existent.

It seems, and we hope, that any reasonable judge would release Mahjoub to the loving arms of his family.

But the whole day has been an exercise in convincing us that this has nothing to do with reason or law or rights or facts or, even, the allegedly independent role of the judge.

Rather, the day’s purpose has been to show that the people making the decision on the freedom or continued detention of Mr. Mahjoub, among others, are not judges acting on facts that are fully presented in an open hearing, but the submachine-gun-toting RCMP officers demanding we vacate the courthouse as soon as the case adjourns.

Welcome to the occupation.

 

 

Homes not Bombs

PO Box 73620, 509 St. Clair Ave. West

Toronto, ON M6C 1C0

tasc@web.ca

Top of page

   

Jaballah Family Awaits Word on Potential Release from 22 Months in Solitary Confinement

Man Arrested Without Being Charged or Knowing the Alleged Case Against Him Being Held on CSIS "Security Certificate"

 

"Canadians would be greatly concerned if the facts of this case were widely known." Federal Court Justice Andrew MacKay, on the case of Mahmoud Jaballah

TORONTO, ONTARIO--Any day now, the family of Mahmoud Jaballah – a mother and her six children – will know whether they can embrace their father and husband for the first time in over 22 months. At least that’s if Federal Court Justice Andrew MacKay returns his decision, promised within 10 days to two weeks of a hearing on April 11, on whether Jaballah can finally be released from the torture of solitary confinement at the Metro West Detention Centre in northwest Toronto.

 

It was on Friday, April 11 that the troubled MacKay shocked reporters, spectators and, perhaps, even himself when he stated that "in this great city of Toronto, we have our own Guantanamo Bay," a reference to the illegal detention camp run by the U.S. where untold numbers of Afghans and others are held in violation of a slew of international laws.

MacKay made the comment as he considered an abuse of process motion by attorney Rocco Galati to release from prison Mahmoud Jaballah, an unfairly targetted man who has spent almost two years in solitary confinement since his August, 2001 arrest on a CSIS security certificate. Under the certificate, you are not allowed to know the case against you, and your attorney is left with little or no "evidence" to cross examine, because the core of the case is kept secret for reasons of "national security."

Jaballah has the rare distinction of someone who was able to beat the odds against this medieval practice, as seven months after he was arrested on a security certificate in March, 1999, Federal Court Justice Bud Cullen quashed the certificate, freeing Jaballah. Attorneys for Jaballah claim that CSIS officers perjured themselves on the stand during that hearing and "otherwise stretched the realm of credulity into an Alice in Wonderland sphere where judicial reality was suspended."

Indeed, CSIS officer "David," who cannot have his full name used, apparently threatened to have Jaballah arrested by the RCMP if he refused to cooperate with CSIS. "David" denied this happened while on the stand, but what he didn’t know was that Jaballah’s then 12-year-old son, Ahmad, had been able to quietly tape-record these threats, including the one in which Jaballah was told by the CSIS agent, "If you think that going to jail is not going to hurt you, you’re wrong."

As an example of the sheer incompetence of the men from CSIS whose word can rip families apart and cause such suffering as that experienced by the Jaballah family, among others, is reflected in the following exchange, originally printed in Saturday Night.

behi

"David,", a self-described expert on Middle East terrorism, was asked by Jaballah’s lawyer, Rocco Galati, what constituted an Arabic country, to which "David" replied, "More often than not, countries in the Middle East."

Galati then asked whether Iran were an Arabic country.

"I would say it is Arabic, but I’m not an expert in Iranian affairs," David said.

"You are completely wrong, Iran is as far from being Arabic as Germany is," Galati replied.

Galati continued